Tuesday, 16 April 2002  
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Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan : The forgotten aspect of his life's work

by M.K. Elaventhan , General Secretary - Tamil Eelam Liberation Front

The need in attempting to make this humble contribution arose after reading the publication of the former Honourable Minister of Foreign Affairs Lakshman Kadirgamar's P.C., MP oration of the 3rd of December, 1994 on the 150th birth anniversary of Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan's and published in the Daily News of the 24th of April, 2001.

This is not an attempt to confront. It is an effort to make known to the readers, the untold story; Let us compliment the former Honourable Minister on the eloquence, brilliance and the lucidity of his oration. It is worthy of his profession as President's Counsel, and his academic achievements at the University of Oxford.

It is significant that he has dedicated this oration to Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan "the Champion of the Sinhala people". It is common knowledge that when a case is presented, the culled out evidence has to support the brief he has undertaken. Well there is always the flip side that is kept under covers to be exposed by the other side. Early life

"Born in 16 April, 1851 to a noble and illustrious Tamil family already distinguished in public service he chose not to live a life of ease and indulgence but a life of continuous service to society. He qualified as an advocate at the age of 22, practised law with considerable distinction and entered the legislative assembly at the age of 28" says the Honourable Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar in the opening moments of his oration. It would have been appropriate if he included that, Sir P.R.'s entry into public life was at the instance of Maraithiru Arumuga Navalar in 1879.

In 1911, he was chosen as candidate to contest and fill the vacancy that arose in the legislative assembly for the All Ceylon Educated Members seat. He was elected. The other contesting candidate was a member of the Sinhala community. The Sinhala Muslim riots took place in the year 1915. The Governor declared martial law. This was harsh. Sir P.R. at the behest of his compatriots leaves for the Untied Kingdom and returns triumphant. Within a period of four years it occurred to him that events were moving in a direction he did not agree with.

In 1919, Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam his younger brother was elected as President of The Ceylon National Congress. As is the eastern tradition Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam sought his brothers' blessings to which Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan says he cautioned him and said "Thamby go ahead but take care you will presently meet with a storm which will hurl you off the chair".

Dravidian architecture

Though there is reference to Sir P.R.'s contribution to the Hindu religion by the former Honourable Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar. I would like to add that in my view the most significant contribution of Sir P.R. to his religion, Saivisam was the renovation of the Ponnampalavaneswar Temple, Kochikade. The temple was built by his father Ponnampalam. The structure was of sand bricks and mortar. Sir P.R. took it upon himself to reconstruct the temple at the very sight in granite. The architectural splendour is no less than what is seen in the temple built by Raja Raja Cholan the great.

The Thanjal Peruvudiyar Kovil, and Raja Rajans son Rajendra Cholan's Gangal Konda Cholapuram. The architectural splendour is unrivalled in Sri Lanka. Sir P.R. was an assertive member of the University movement. It is in recognition of his contribution that a hall is named after him in gratitude. There was a difference of opinion between him and his brother Sir P. Arunachalam over the choice of sighting of the university. Sir P.R. was of the opinion that the site should be elsewhere other than in the Sinhala dominated location. "Sir P. Arunachalam favoured Peradeniya for its excellent ambience. This is discussed in an article written under the heading "The Battle of Sites".

This gives inkling into the thought process of Sir P.R. i.e. the domination of the majority community in the field of education. Sir P. Arunachalam became wiser to the views held by Sir P.R. very much late.

Donoughmore reforms

Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan's post 1915 frustrations is deliberately or otherwise not commented on or written of by several commentators. The exception of course was Mr. M. Vythillingam (Emeritus Principal of the Hindu College, Chavakacheri) the writer had the privilege of being associated with the publication of this biography. It is sad that the Honourable Minister so profusely quotes from this work, chooses not to reveal his source but for a bland reference to him as "His Biographer".

It is material to be reminded in this context that Sir P.R. was 64 years of age in 1915 and remained active and involved in public life till the ripe old age of 79 years. A significant and very mature fifteen years. A disheartened fifteen years. A fifteen years that was chosen to be ignored and concealed.

He made another risky voyage to Britain to protest on matters concerning the proposed Donoughmore Reforms. This is not to be mistaken with his previous voyage in submarine infested waters. The return that was celebrated with a lot of fanfare by being hand drawn in a "Vel Cart", "Ther" by the then Sinhala leadership.

His pleas with the British failed. He returned a defeated, dejected, lonely man. His arrival was cold-shouldered and ignored. The baton for the cause was unfailingly picked up in the later years by the leadership that was to emerge.

The Daily News whose contribution to the independence struggle are not to be trifled with had this to say in appreciation on his death. "Unluckily in later years his increasesingly reactionary outlook caused by his resolute opposition to the Donoughmore Reforms and the extension of franchise and by the communalism. Which increasingly coloured his political thinking? The subsequent course of history has shown the error of these views but time has also softened our view of the man who held them and enable to judge his earlier efforts for his country at their proper worth.

In spite of his later years of apostasy the greatness of Sri Ponnampalam Ramanathan and the magnitude of his achievement. In the service of this country was universally recognised. Sixteen years after his death a grateful people erected a statue to his memory".

It is the writer's view that his resolute opposition to the Donoghmore Reforms was his most treasured contribution. It was an out come of his total comprehension of what was in store for his community. It was mature, lucid and said so firmly with conviction that very few then and now find it difficult to assimilate. The "drop in political believes" as the Daily News chooses to describe his later conviction is flawed. It is this phase that the later Tamil leaders were influenced by. It is the substance of the controversy that prevails now.

His invaluable contribution to the Tamil community became emphatic and purposeful since he realised that unwittingly or otherwise the community was being marginalized. He returned to the island in early 1930, following his failed attempts to amend the basis of franchise, introduced into Donoughmore Reforms. His return to the island was ignored. He discovered very early that, the lust for power, greed and cunning was beginning to show. His view of the Donoughmore Reforms was summed in a punch line "Donoughmore means Tamils no more." His difficulty was with the replacement of the franchise that made only the educated eligible was replaced by a universal vote.

The expansion of the voter base immediately set in motion a change in composition of the Legislature and the Cabinet. He very eloquently stated "The Donoughmore Reforms was a sin before God and man. I see an ugly mob in the streets." It appears appropriate to quote from the Memorandum Sir P.R. submitted to British Govt. on the Donoughmore Reforms.

"The birth right of every human being is the territory, the family, the language, the tribe, the society and the religion into which he was ushered into by God. Based on these convictions he said "Equally illegal and sorrowful is the political extinction recommended by the Commissioner of The Burgher, Mohammedans, Indian and Western Province Tamil constituencies.... Communal representation was granted to these communities by the order in council of 1923 provided that there should be 12 officials and 37 non-officials of whom 23 should be elected territorially and 11 communally and 3 nominated.

This constitution (1923 order in council) placed the Ceylon Legislature on par with The House of Commons" in support of this argument he urged the distinct pledge of 1924. "The then secretary of state, The Duke of Devonshire as the mouthpiece of His Majesty's Government; gave a distinct pledge in his dispatch to Governor.

It is sad that those who have written on the Life and Works emphasised his services up to 1915, failed or chose to conceal his thoughts on the last fifteen years of his life. He was a tired man. Some thought it convenient to dismiss whatever he was trying to say or do deliriousness of dotage.

Land - territory

Sir P.R. was acutely conscious that a defined territory was basic for identification of a people. Any tinkering with the identified traditional areas inhabited by the Tamil was not to be fiddled about with. I believe in current terminology it could be described as "Demographic Engineering. We see the beginnings of moves in this direction in "The Nachchaduwa Scheme. As early as the latter part of the second decade of the 20th century. Here the Sinhala leadership did alter a Tamil electorate to that of a Sinhala one.

Sir P.R. along with other colleagues in the state assembly vehemently opposed these moves. The idea of the need for a clearly demarked land area therefore could be traced to no lesser person than Sir P.R.

It is of value to the reader to be made aware of the views of celebrities in recent times in regard to territory vis a vis a nation. Josef Stalin a Georgian by birth said that I do not believe in a cultural autonomy. It aggravates the conflict but I go along with a territorial autonomy" Mao said "Even to practice socialism you must have a land of your own. You cannot practice socialism in a vacuum "Reader please note that they agree in Toto in regard to the need for territory. It should not be forgotten that they were at total variance about other matters of the state.

I refer to the different schools of thought. One Russian and the other Chinese version. They differed in their interpretation of Communism.

Israel had to have land to establish their state. A concept that they strove for over 2,000 years. How and where they went about is not at issue here. It is the fact that they would not have had a tangible identity without land.

The Palestinian dispute with her known and unknown enemies is over land. A land that they held lived and cherished over 2000 years. They were deprived of properties that they inherited from their ancestors. Is it not their bounden duty to protect it for their future generations? The crux of their problem is land, land, land.

Lets have a peep into Irish politics. The Irish struggle for homeland has been on for over 350 years. The unification of Ireland is being hampered by Ulster. Ulster is again Irish property. To the British Region Ulster is an ulcer.

In the history of the Eelam struggle S.J.V. Chelvanayagam stressed the value of land for the Tamil community. His lieutenant Dr. E.M.V. Naganathan in his inimitable style said in Parliament "Birds have their sanctuary animals have their wild life reservation but Tamils do not have a territory of their own."It was a statement that came from his inner depths. A man who was frustrated that his community were driven literarily from their bearings.

C. Vanniasingham a founding member of the Federal party, President of the Tamil Arasukkadchi and an M.P. and puritan, and a devout adherent to SJV had observed that on every occasion in which the Tamils were at the receiving end of a thrashing. They were able to seek refuge in the North and East. If these provinces failed to provide a haven, a sanctuary for the Tamils, which way can they turn? accept to drown themselves in the sea.

Tamils of Indian origin

Sir P.R.'s perseverance for the Tamil cause did not confine itself only to that of the Tamils of indigenous origin but also to the upcountry Tamils. The upcountry Tamil's right to franchise was in, jeopardy. They were already earmarked not to be allowed voting rights for fear of the ethnic balance being altered. Sir P.R. valiantly championed their cause. He did defend their right to voting rights by his speech in the assembly (Page 1791 Hansard Volume III - 1928).

"The Singhalese tossed in a storm 2,500 years ago were washed ashore on this island. How can they make up their minds and call for the Indians to "Get Out". The upcountry worker of Indian arrived in this island under different circumstances. The Singhalese who would not kill a scorpion or a snake and who choose to shoo them away. Their conduct in this instance was not consistent with the Buddha Dhamma and Santhana Dharma. Sir P.R. was around 78 years when he rose to the defence of the workers of Indian origin.

The problem continued to fester long after he was gone. The consequence of the deprived vote did provoke SJV to remark "It is their throats now. Ours would be the next". C. N. Annadurai the not so long ago Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu said "They were being discarded like crushed oranges". "They were treated as if it was a horse deal," said Dr. E. M. V. Naganathan, to refer to them in more current usage would be appropriate to say treated like 'karapincha'.

Statutes: An unfair engraving

There was a grudging, a love lost appreciation, and a difference in handling of the memorials built for the eminent brothers is worth looking at. There was hesitancy, reluctance by the legislature in their appreciation of the contribution made by Sir P. Ramanathan as expressed in writing on the mount of his statute. It reads "knight, an advocate, a member of the society of Michel George, Ceylonese representative of the Legislative Council. Erected on contributions made by the people." He died in 1930 and the statue was completed in 1915, but erected only in 1946.

As against which, inspite of Sir P. Arunachalam having established The Tamil League, a movement that was to echo the aspirations of the Tamil people died within two years of its establishment without much ado. Perhaps because of his muted performance as against that of his brother who survived him. The generosity in their appreciation is eloquent. "Sir P. Arunachalam 1853-1924. Educationist, endowed with political sagacity, able administrator, who dedicated his life in the service of the nation.

He brought far-reaching changes by amendments to the Legislative Act. He served unceasingly for the establishment of the arts council. Memorial erected by a grateful Ceylonese public." If the readers care to read a little into these lines they could reach as assessment of the difference in attitudes in the evaluation of the contribution of the brothers. The purpose for which Sir P. Arunachalam set up the Tamil League could not be followed through as his life was cut short thereafter. Sir P. Ramanathan was able to continue his views in this regard which was in total harmony with that of his brother. His being blessed with a few more years after his brother's death gave him sufficient room to campaign for the cause that was shared by him and his brother.

Sir P. Arunachalam carried his passion of later years with him to his death. A passion that remained away from the view of the other camp. Sir P. Ramanathan's bitter campaign in the latter years earned him the displeasure of the other camp.

Betrayal

Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam was side lined and Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan was belittled. In the All Ceylon Legislative Assembly, the representation of the Sinhalese and the Tamils were at par. With the passage of a few years, the Tamil representation began to decline. It is necessary to repeat that Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam held the office of President of The Ceylon National Congress. It was agreed that a Tamil was to be nominated to the Western Province Legislative Assembly. That nominee was to be Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam. This was later denied. The Ceylon National Congress by now had begun to be dominated by the Sinhalese and Sinhala interests. Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam then broke away from this body to set up The Tamil League.

It is precisely at this juncture that Sir Ponnampalam Arunachalam spoke "In the name of nationalism, in the name of cosmopolitanism I do not want my community to be reduced to the level of fish or foul nor red herring I am determined to see that we raise our head and determine our future. I am aware that there are moves in certain quarters to intimidate me, but I refuse to succumb come what may.

I shall raise my voice till the last against tyranny and oppression". His fury continued in the same strain, and said: "Who have done more for the welfare of All Ceylon than the Tamils? Who was fought more vigorously for the welfare of the Sinhalese? In the dark days of 1915 when our Sinhalese brethren were in distress and helpless who came to their rescue but the Tamils? That state which was to be to the grateful memorial of the help rendered may as proposed in some quarters be flung into the sea."

The Tamil minority has been deceived on numerous occasions after the restoration of their rights were promised. It is significant that this trend began very early in fact Sri P.R and Sir P.A along with several other Tamil leaders were at the receiving end of this breach of promise.

One of the doyens of left politics in the history of Sri Lanka Dr. N. M. Perera was a man of academic distinction and erudition who noticed this phenomenon and had the following to say, during the debate on the Sinhala Only Act. In 1956, "In point of fact if you go back to the history of this country you will find that the minorities have been betrayed at every possible turn. From the time of D. S. Senanayake when the Donoughmore Reforms came up, the minorities particularly the Indian community were given certain promises that were broken.

Then again when the Soul bury Constitution too came up with similar concessions that were promised were broken right along. In the Indian Immigrants Bill various promises were made over and over again with regard to the treatment to be given to the Indians, and every one of these promises were broken in implementation of the bill. In the light of that, are we surprised that the minorities are gibbling at the acceptance of these assurances? (Hansard Language Debate 1956).

It is ironic that the very learned and seemingly honest Dr. N. M. Perera performed a similar breach when he was given the opportunity to rectify the wrongs he earlier cried for. It was not only he but also his entire clique of Red shirts. Colvin R. de Silva a stalwart leftist amongst them delivered the unkindest cut of all. When Senator Nadesan pleaded with him to retain section 29 a minority safe guard clause in the Soulbury Constitution in his New Constitution of 1972, he thought he was very witty when he told Senator Nadesan QC "Politics was the art of the possible".

It is this very same Colvin who earlier held the view that if we went in for one language we would end up with two nations and if we opted for two languages we would have saved the whole nation or be left with one nation or something to that effect. "If you thrust Sinhala down the throats of the Tamils, they would vomit it out like the Irish." And later relished shuffling it not only down the throats but also ensured it went right down.

Ingratitude - Tributes

When Sir P. Ramanathan, denounced the Donoughmore Constitution K. P. S. Menon the Indian Diplomat and scholar, who served in Ceylon in the 1920s said as follows "One felt as a prophet had come from another world opening the eyes stirring the hearts and shattering the illusions of, self complacent individuals". The writer was privileged to meet his son K. P. S. Menon who held office as Foreign Secretary of India in 1987, when he met him to plead for help following the Vadamaradchi operation by the security forces.

During the course of our conversation in the South Block, New Delhi I referred to what his father had to say on the occasion following Sir P.R's speech. He was taken by surprise and remarked, did he say so? As promised I returned to Chennai and sent him a photocopy of the said statement as appeared in the biography Vol. 2 by Mr. M. Vythilingam (Emeritus Principal, Hindu College, Chavakacheri.

Sir R.P's post 1915 frustrations is deliberately not lime lighted, by many. The weakness seems to be that any mention of his post 1915 activities is likely to tarnish his earlier brilliance. The reader has to be told that Sir P.R died only in the year 1930. It is a significant day in the history of the Tamils of Sri Lanka. He was seventy-nine at the time of his death.

In the later years of Sir P.R., life differences in the political goals between him and the Sinhala leadership began to widen. It is not incorrect to describe that they began to polarise. Nevertheless, in his magnanimity and the admiration. The Right Honourable D. S. Senanayake did describe him as "The greatest Ceylonese that ever lived". Lord Rosebury a contemporary of Sir P. Ramanathan is on record as having paid the tribute of "the most accomplished speaker in my empire."

Concluding:

It is not the crying need of this hour that destiny should throw up a man of Sir Ponnampalam Ramanathan's calibre, a saviour of this island.

A time like this, demand

Great hearts, strong minds, true faith and willing hands

Men whom lust of office cannot kill

Men whom the spoils of office cannot buy;

Men who possess opinion and will

Men who have the honour, men who will not lie.

- Oliver Wendell Holmes

Given the long experience of the Sinhala psyche, the flow of thought of the Sinhala-Buddhist establishment, can the Norwegians restore the long lost equilibrium? The Tamil establishment is petrified that all the toil that is being put in by the Norwegians. The sacrifice of life, limb, and careers of Tamil youth will ever be rewarded. Will the paper on which it is written be thrown to the winds? Who will carry the buck of implementation? Will it be another of a series of broken promises? Will it be another convenience of marking time till it is time to go home?

It would be a pessimist who will wind up this little dissertation without hope. We see a distant light in the Norwegians efforts. Our humble prayer is that all disputes pertaining to both communities be settled, with honour, dignity, and prides be held in tact and wish our future generations will be spared the agony of any further dispute in this regard. May peace prevail on this thrice-blessed island.


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