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Electoral reform - some gut issues

Back in the news is both the relevant and somewhat contentious issue of electoral reforms. We are given to understand that a committee headed by Power and Energy Minister Karu Jayasuriya will presently be appointed to draw up the terms of reference of a Parliamentary Sub Committee which will look into the possibility of reforming the current electoral system.

Against the backdrop of the current debate on power sharing and minority empowerment, we believe that it is highly timely that the present electoral system be re-scrutinized to ascertain whether it accurately represents the present balance of political forces in the country. Since the electoral system goes to the heart of the question of power, electoral reform needs to be treated as a top priority by the State and the people. We therefore urge that this issue be resolved once and for all, if possible.

Under the first-past-the-post electoral system which prevailed at the dawn of political independence and continued for a few decades thereafter, the balance of political forces in the country was inaccurately reflected. For instance, the verdict in the 1970 general election paved the way for gross incongruities in the parliamentary representation of parties, with the opposition which won a substantial proportion of the popular vote being represented by just a handful of MPs.

The proportional representation system which followed has done better as a mirror of voter preferences and reflected more accurately minority political opinion but has produced its own anomalies which cry out for rectification. One of these is the grave impersonality of the system with the link between the voter and his MP, which thrived under the electorate based, first-past-the-post system, being highly diluted. The average MP's degree of accountability to his voters has also been gravely eroded with entry of "district MPs" to the scene. The current "preference vote" system has also led to a plethora of abuses, such as those with "money power" standing a better chance of entering Parliament.

These are just a handful of anomalies which need to be put right. However, if we are now thinking in multiethnic terms, the territorial basis of elections needs to also be altered to reflect voter preferences among minority communities in multiethnic constituencies in particular. Electoral boundaries may also need to be altered to better reflect the electoral choices of minority population segments, which have hitherto gone unrepresented or under represented. Thus a sizeable gamut of issues needs to be addressed and resolved. Coming out with the correct formula for balanced electoral representation is a matter for the proposed Parliamentary Sub Committee, but it is clear that we cannot revert to the controversial first-past-the-post system which, in fact, contributed substantially towards minority disaffection.

Of equal significance is the criminalization of politics which has played a crucial role in the current dramatic breakdown of law and order. We believe it will be in the national interest to stipulate some minimum educational and other relevant qualifications for those opting to contest a parliamentary seat. It is vitally important that those with criminal records be barred from "running for parliament", for instance. Those being granted party tickets to contest elections should also be in a position to prove that he or she would be sufficiently educated and competent to handle the responsibilities which would be devolved on them.

These, we believe, are some of the standards which need to be established in this context. We need to say 'no' to the further criminalization of politics.

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