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| Saturday, 12 February 2005 |
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When terror stalks the Vanni Tigers At a time when the focus of politics was increasingly being drawn to differences between the JVP and the SLFP within UPFA coalition, the killing of the LTTE's Batticaloa-Ampara political leader Kausalyan, suddenly took centre stage. Elayathamby Nagendran aka E. Kausalyan (33) who was killed with four other LTTE cadres in an ambush, admittedly done by the Karuna faction, was a senior member of the LTTE, very close to Velupillai Prabhakaran. His importance increased after the revolt by the Karuna faction, when he remained loyal to the Vanni Tigers, at a time when their eastern flank was under threat. This killing re-opens the threat to the Vanni Tigers in the East, losing possibly the only figure of influence in that part of the putative state of Eelam, after the revolt by Karuna. Naturally, the LTTE is both angered and alarmed. It does not heed the immediate and forthright condemnation of the killings by the Government, and alleges it to be part of the LTTE-claimed nexus between the security forces and the Karuna faction. Kausalyan being the most senior cadre of the Vanni Tigers to be killed since the signing of the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) in February 2002, there are many warnings of how it may seriously affect the peace process, even provoking the LTTE into resumption of fighting. The LTTE has called upon the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) to take serious note of this attack vis-...-vis the current circumstances and make the international community privy to its findings. It has also expressed fears that these killings would have a serious impact on the humanitarian relief work undertaken now and for the recommencement of peace talks. As far as it has been reported so far, the SLMM does not find these killings to be a violation of the CFA, and no doubt the international community already knows this. As for the feared serious impact on the humanitarian relief work undertaken now "for the recommencement of peace talks" which is a new interpretation of current developments, the only observation is that if the LTTE makes this an impediment to humanitarian relief work, planned or under way, within the area under its control, it is the Tamil people who live in those areas who will suffer the worst of what Prabhakaran described as the second tsunami to strike the Tamil people. The LTTE's angry reaction to what is no doubt a major setback to them in terms of image about superiority in strategy can be easily understood. Its charges against the Sri Lankan Government and its forces come despite statements by the Armed Forces commander in that area that Kausalyan had ignored warnings not to travel without protection which would be provided by the armed forces, under the CFA; protection the Sri Lankan Government gave despite strong opposition in the South. The fact that Kausalyan and his group thought it better to undertake a secret mission within Government controlled area is totally ignored, when the LTTE holds the Government responsible for these killings, and makes warlike noises in its wake. This is a critical situation the LTTE will seek to manipulate in its favour. It does so in Parliament, as seen by hostile statements from its TNA representatives. It will also seek to use this to win the sympathy of the international community. The tiger is hurt and angry, and sends out frightening roars to threaten the limited peace that prevails. The Green reaction While this LTTE reaction is not unexpected, the reaction of the UNP to the killing of Kausalyan strains belief. It is more vociferous than the LTTE in holding the Government responsible for these killings. The UNP talks of the damage to an imagined imminent possibility to the resumption of peace talks as a result of this. Listening to G. L. Peiris, it appears the UNP is even angrier than the LTTE at the killing of Kausalyan. The UNP's loud concern about this could be considered an honest response if it had the same response to the LTTE's killing of so many members of the intelligence services of the Sri Lankan State. The UNP's apparent anger at what has happened smacks of dishonesty when one considers that it never condemned the killing of so many members or supporters of the EPDP by the LTTE, after the CFA was signed. It did not even send a representative or a message of condolence to the funerals of some leading members of the EPDP killed by the LTTE, whose final rites were held in Colombo. The UNP is clearly seeking to frighten the Government into accepting the LTTE's terms for the resumption of peace talks, stalled during its time in office. The UNP is no doubt doing a good job of being an even better proxy for the LTTE than the TNA. But is all this in the larger interests of the country or to help the LTTE achieve its own goals, with the UNP also benefiting in the process? The UNP would do itself and the country good if it looks a short way back in history and learns the lessons of a Faustian compact with the LTTE, in the context of what happened to the late President Ranasinghe Premadasa. Tissa & Mahinda Tissa Attanayake, the UNP's Assistant General Secretary is now the most abrasive critic of the Government, determined to outdo Rajitha Senaratne. He states that no purpose can be achieved in supporting the Government at this stage, despite calls from all sectors for political rivalries to be temporarily set aside. He says the goal of the UNP is to have a general election at the end of this year. Whether the people want another election by that time is of no concern to him. Were these not the people who blamed President Kumaratunga and the UPFA for wasting Rs. 800 million for the general election in April this year? Does he expect the cost of the next election to be borne from the aid coming from abroad for tsunami relief and infrastructure development of the country? Mahinda Wijesekera always comes to TV talk shows armed with a copy of a coastal development plan prepared in 1999, and the UNHCR position that people who suffer a disaster should not be forcibly removed from their original damaged or threatened locations. This is his litany in opposition to the 100 m and 200 m non-settlement or construction zones. He seems unaware of the LTTE's 500 m limit in Mullaitivu and areas under its control. What the former Minister of Forestry and Fisheries lacks understanding is that both these documents pre-date the tsunami of December 26, 2004, which neither coast conservation experts in Sri Lanka nor those who prepared the UNHCR guidelines had experienced. The tsunami was an epochal event never before experienced, as understood by the UN itself, which makes it better to think anew of prior-preparedness. Gilded poll At last Tuesday's "Kinihira" programme, Swarnavahini arranged for SMS messages on whether the people were satisfied with the way the Government handled tsunami relief. Less than 15% approved, and over 80% did not. The question is how many people actually affected by the tsunami and receiving aid at the time had access to TV sets, and mobile phones to send SMS messages? It was using the idiot box to fool the viewers. The channel did not even say it was not a scientific poll as other well known stations do about such listener or viewer reactions. |
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