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Where the State may not enter:
Educate the girl child, but leave family planning to the family
BY RAVINDER Kaur
RECENTLY, a slew of measures to improve women's conditions have been
announced or promulgated a bill against domestic violence, reform of
property rights for Hindu women and, most recently, enabling measures
for the girl child.
All these are welcome and much-needed interventions to improve the
lives of women. To the credit of the government, it zeroed in early to
the declining numbers of girls evidenced in the 2001 census and set
about creating measures to ameliorate the situation.
As a result, we have seen a change in the attitude of the government
in its family planning advertising and in several schemes introduced
from time to time.
The latest scheme announced to encourage better treatment of girl
children by their parents centers on educational benefits.
Making connections between better educated girls and societal
improvement is not new. Educated 'wives' and 'mothers' are supposed to
work wonders for fertility rates, for health and hygiene, and for
improving the quality of the nation's human resources.
The traditional focus was on 'improved' children and 'improved' homes
(wise support for the husband and his career). Somewhere, it came to be
recognised that women might need 'capabilities' and empowerment for
their own selves.
However, leaving the myopia of such policy thinking on women aside
for the moment, let us focus on the formulation of the new educational
scheme for the girl child. The scheme loudly announces that it is
primarily for the 'lone' or 'only' girl child. It then moves on to make
a concession to the second girl child, if she is present, by splitting
the benefits 50-50.
It is important to analyse two aspects: one, the messages this
programme intends to send and will actually succeed in sending and two,
what are the implications of the implementation of such a scheme.
It is very clear that in the government's mind there is a link
between the abysmal juvenile sex ratio and the need for changing the
mindset of the average Indian family that continues to prefer boys over
girls, irrespective of how much girls and women 'prove' themselves as
meriting equal love and care and equal life-chances.
These policies also concede a very welcome recognition that state
policy has a role and place in nudging society along in the desired
direction.
However, what the government does not recognise is that 'engineering
the family' is not a trivial matter and the possible social consequences
of such interventionist policies should be thoroughly investigated
before their launch.
While not condoning girl child murder, the government should leave it
to families to decide how many children they want, and of what sex. The
formulation of any scheme should begin with asking the question: what is
the objective?
The answer, in this case, could very well be: to enable the girl
child to become a full-fledged participant in society. The answer should
not be: to bring down the population of India, in addition to making
sure that the sex ratio is redressed! Leave family planning to the
family.
Confusing too many goals leads to unclear thinking. Indeed, most
literature on the fertility transition shows that large parts of the
country have already transited to an acceptable total fertility
replacement rate.
The new scheme states that families with an only child who happens to
be a girl will get educational benefits for that child for her entire
education (some reports say from class 6 onwards, which raises the
question of what happens before then and doesn't it negatively affect
those who never make it to class 6?).
These benefits include fee exemption and scholarships. Scholarships
for higher education in the humanities, social sciences and in
professional education (engineering and medicine) will be based on
merit, while targeting girls.
These financial inducements are ostensibly supposed to achieve two
things: one, a small family and two, a family with one or two girl
children. Neither of these should be the objective of an education
scheme.
Accepting that we need to do more for the girl child, why not give
the benefits to girl children in any family, even if it has one boy or
twenty?
Why discriminate against girl children who are born into families in
which boys have also been born? Could we seriously be interested in
encouraging 'reverse foeticide'? Other negative implications could be
'hiding' of other girl children or even boys to avail of the full
benefits.
The government should have learnt from its own experience of
promulgating the two-child norm for candidates for panchayat elections.
Children were concealed or not sent to school in order to achieve the
coveted office.
Many state governments are now in the process of withdrawing this
requirement. Even the Chinese government recognises that its one-child
policy has been disastrous in terms of the sex-ratio.
Another question: should all girl children be helped or only some
girl children? The policy appears to be saying only single girl children
or, okay, if the family has only two daughters (and no sons), let's
divide the benefits between the two of them. Suddenly, we create a
divide between families with only one girl child, with only two girl
children and those with a mixed bag.
Families will have to run around to show certificates that they have
the 'ideal' family, as per government specifications, to avail of the
benefits. Finally, do we seriously believe that the policy will make
people plan small families of only girls? Of course not.
(Courtesy - Indian Express) |