Throwing caution to the wind
ETHNIC CRISIS: The JVP's hurried exit from the All Party
Conference in the wake of the Majority Report of the Experts' Committee
on Constitutional Reform to solve the ethnic issue coming to light,
reminds one of earlier developments of a similar type.
The closest is the walk out of the SLFP from the Mangala Moonesinghe
All Party Round Table, just when it was presenting some useful proposals
to solve the same crisis.
The right of the JVP to have its own views on the national issue and
the ethnic crisis is conceded. Its concerns about how current political
developments can affect its own constituency or vote base can be
understood.
However, what has to be considered is whether any political party
taking precipitate action that may lead to further difficulties in
solving the long drawn out crisis in Sri Lanka is in the larger national
interest.
We have seen similar situations taking place on far too many
occasions, which raise the question whether Sri Lankans are capable, or
have the political maturity, to find an adequate solution to this
crisis.
There was the situation brought about the chauvinist forces led
mainly by the UNP that compelled Prime Minister SWRD Bandaranaike to
tear up the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayakam Pact in 1957.
This was followed by the combined action of the SLFP - LSSP - CP in
1965 that forced Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake to abrogate the Dudley
- Chelvanayakam Pact.
We saw the opposition orchestrate against 13th Amendment and the
Provincial Councils by the SLFP and JVP in 1987, which has caused no
problems for these parties to enjoy the benefits of the Provincial
Councils today.
"There was also the situation in August 2000 when the UNP that had
agreed to most of the constitutional reforms proposed by President
Chandrika Kumaratunga, following discussions with all political parties,
backing out of them at the last moment, on an issue that could have
easily been resolved in Parliament.
These and many other acts have enabled the LTTE to tell the world
that there can be no hope of a Sinhala-led or majority Sinhala
Government ever presenting any proposals to genuinely address the issues
of nationality and power sharing that affect the Tamil people.
The propaganda of the LTTE and its fellow travellers based on this
message had succeeded in the cause of Tamil separation and LTTE's
violence gaining the sympathetic ear of the international community for
many years.
For how long can we continue in this situation of whatever that is
proposed as a solution being jettisoned due to pressure from a section
of the majority?
The Majority Report of the Experts' Committee is clearly not the
Government's policy. It is a report meant to be presented to the APC,
which will make its recommendations to Government.
This is the same with the Minority Report, which addresses most of
the issues the JVP and other parties that think alike, may be concerned
about.
The more mature attitude to be taken is to study these two reports,
as well as the other dissenting reports, and make any principled
objections at the APC to any proposals that may emerge in the final
report.
It is throwing caution to the wind in the midst of a major national
crisis crying out for solution, with every soldier that is killed, every
civilian that is killed or maimed, every LTTE cadre that is killed or
driven to manipulated and indoctrinated suicide, and every dollar that
is spent on destruction, for any political party to take precipitate
action at this stage making it more difficult to satisfy the demand for
an honourable and just peace, sought so much by the people.
Obstinate political stances that echo of extremism, even couched in
nationalist slogans, cannot help is arriving a truly Sri Lankan model
for the sharing of power.
As for so-called "irreconcilable differences" between the Majority
Report and the Minority Report of the Experts' Committee, what is needed
is an effort at seeing where these two views could meet in the interests
of a larger unity, rather than go about pile driving round a single set
of proposals to give it an unshakeable position, which is not in the
interests of wider national consensus.
In this context it is best to quote Dayan Jayatilleke, on "How to
reconcile the reports" in the Daily News of last Wednesday, December 13,
06.
"For exactly half a century we have had the same dynamics: (Sinhala)
majoritarianism that was unwilling to go far enough in sharing power and
a (Tamil) minoritarianism unwilling to settle for that which was
feasible and thereby winding up pretty much with nothing. That vicious
circle must not be allowed to run through the 21st century as it has
through most of the 20th, blighting the lives and life chances of
millions."
Referring to the bulk of proposals, other than the ISGA and P-TOMs
and the 1995 and 97 proposals of President Kumaratunga, Jayatilleke says
they were of a constructive sort, that if accepted at the time by the
Sinhala and Tamil political leaders, would have either forestalled or
snuffed out our present torrent of violent conflict and wasted resources
(both human and material).
"These include the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayakam Pact of 1957; the
Dudley - Chelvanayakam Pact of 1965 -66; Annexure C of 1986; the
December 19, 1986 proposals of the Chidambaram mission, the Indo- Lanka
Accord and the 13th Amendment of 1987 -88; the Mangala Moonesinghe
formula (during the Premadasa period), and perhaps the most complete of
all the August 2000 proposals of President Kumaratunga."
"Today's discussion documents emanating from the experts' panel
belong in that same category of constructive, innovative, yet safe and
pragmatic proposals", says Jayatilleke.
In the context of Sinhala nationalism, the altar on which most of the
better proposals have been sacrificed, it is necessary to consider
whether the Sri Lankan electorate is prepared to be always led by those
not ready to consider current reality or the views of others, however,
apparently unacceptable they may be.
The call for the JVP to return to the APC and continue deliberations
for a genuine sharing of power are therefore timely. Hailing from the
deep South in the 1930s, the Lion of Ruhuna, the late DM Rajapaksa,
whose 110th birth anniversary was celebrated last Thursday, was very
firm in his views on the necessity of unity among the Ceylonese (Sri
Lankan) people to defeat the forces of imperialism, and the power of the
feudal overlords and village headmen, that denied the people their
freedom at that time.
That sense of national unity is needed today too, to overcome the
mistrust we have of each other and defeat the forces of separatism and
terror. That cannot be achieved by running away from issues, or
misleading people into forming obstacles to progress on the major
national issue of the day.
The absence of the Sri Lankan delegate at voting time on the
resolution at the UN General Assembly condemning Israel for its
atrocities against Palestinian citizens, is earning much critical
comment today.
It is asked whether this is a sign of a deliberate departure from the
accepted Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka, which has always been supportive
of the Palestinian cause, even though having trade and other relations
with Israel.
This is more important today, because the Head of State, President
Mahinda Rajapaksa, is one who has headed the Sri Lanka - Palestine
Friendship Society for over 25 years, and has been and remains a firm
supporter of the Palestinian people, in keeping with his own
convictions, national policies and policies of the Non-Aligned Movement.
It is dangerous to throw caution to the wind in such matters of
foreign policy, when Sri Lanka's principled position vis-...-vis the
Arab nations can be questioned by the absence of its delegate at a
crucial vote as that which took place at the UN General Assembly.
This occurred after the Arab States brought before the larger body of
the General Assembly a motion condemning Israel regarding its treatment
of the Palestinian people that had been vetoed by the US in the Security
Council.
The United States surely understand that Sri Lanka has followed its
independent and courageous policy with regard to Palestine for several
decades, and that its leader today is one who is committed to this
cause.
The absence of the Sri Lankan delegate at this vote, meant to
strengthen international opinion against Israel and its Washington
Godfather on this issue, requires both inquiry, and action to ensure
that such wrong signals regarding the country's Foreign Policy are not
sent out again. |