The '56 Revolution

Annesley Sumith Fernando

HISTORY: It is not an exaggeration, neither overstatement to identify 'Mahajana Eksath Peramuna' (MEP) which was established on 22nd February 1956 as the most dynamic and effective political alliance ever to be formed in Sri Lanka.

It was the MEP under the leadership of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, which played a catalytic role in leading to revolutionary changes in the social, political, economic and cultural spheres in the country.

The MEP was formed 51 years ago, but the impact it left behind is still felt here and there. Though five decades have passed since its formation, the MEP appears to exert a pervasive influence, even today in the socio-political developments in the country. What is the secret behind this phenomenon?

Years back, on 12th July 1951 to be exact, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, a giant among UNPers, serving as the Minister of Health and Local Administration made a bold decision to forgo all positions and privileges he held in the party and the government and to shun all links with UNP in the august assembly of the parliament.

He walked across the floor, all alone to the opposition ranks, displaying courage, and determination. As he measured his steps he felt a shadow following him. "It might be my own shadow", he thought. But it was not his shadow. To get a measure of the situation SWRD turned back. He was startled. Never in his dreams he expected this development.

A person behind him was measuring his steps in tandem with him. He had a follower. The follower was none other than D.A. Rajapakse, the MP from Beliatta. He had his links to the famous 'Lion Clan of Ruhuna' and was the father of President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

SWRD played a dominant role in establishing SLFP in 1951. D.A. Rajapaksa's contribution in this cause was not second to that of SWRD. Their untiring efforts gave birth to a new political party, which would become a force to be reckoned with in the Sri Lanka political arena.

SWRD was very sincere in his motives and very focused in his objectives when he established the SLFP. He established SLFP not to claim it as an inheritance from his family, not to confine it to his kith and kin, but to serve the ordinary people of the country; to give a sense of dignity to the simple farmers and the workers; to give a ray of hope to the poor and the downtrodden.

He envisaged using SLFP as a hammerhead against the oppressive and opportunistic capitalist class. SWRD wanted his party to be a party of the people by the people for the people.

He did not open its doors to his kith and kin, the rich and the powerful, landed proprietors and those profess their allegiance to white colonial master. He ensured that SLFP remained truly committed to the cause of the ordinary masses of the country.

UNP of the day appeared to be a party rotten to the core, holding fast to the manipulative hands of the former colonial masters. It paid lip service to all what was indigenous.

It had nothing meaningful to offer to improve the lot of local farmers, indigenous physicians and humble workers. National languages and religions had no place in its agenda. UNP appeared to be the darling of the able and the rich, industrialists and the planters. Plight of the common man irked not the conscience of UNP, in stead the delight of the rich cut a common chord with its policies and programmes. SWARD could no more align with a party so degenerated, so aloof from the ordinary masses.

SWRD presented these proposals to the cabinet of ministers after prolonged thought and much deliberation. He did not want them to be rushed through in haste. It was not even after the UNP has won the elections in 1947.

In fact they were presented when DS suggested the idea of forming a new political party to the then National Union, Tamil Union, Muslim league, Mahajana Sabawa and Sinhala Union, which was headed by SWRD himself. DS exclaimed, 'Let's join as a group and build a single party.'

Accordingly the UNP was formed and a new chapter in the political annals of the country was opened. DS too agreed with those proposals, which were approved and accepted at the Sinhala Maha Saba session in Madampe. But in no time SWRD understood that it was a ploy, a plot to mislead him.

This was the stark truth. But doubts exist as to whether those who clamour to come under the mantle of Bandaranaike know about this. But there was a single exception. It was Madame Bandaranaike, the beloved wife of SWRD, the world renowned, first ever woman prime minister of a country.

Bandaranaike principles, which were approved and accepted at the Sinhala Maha Saba session, formed the bedrock of the policies, which she followed during her reign as the prime minister of the country.

Infancy

SLFP was still in infancy, but presented bold proposals to the other political parties who were united in their opposition to the UNP. The proposal called for a 'no-contest' pact between the SLFP and LSSP, Communist Party and Revolutionary Sama Samaja Party. It amounted to an invitation from David the minnow to Goliath the giant.

LSSP which dreamed of forming a government on its own flatly rejected the suggestion, comparing it to an offer made by an ageing wretched to a pretty damsel.

What was the result; where did it lead to? The old, established LSSP could muster just 9 seats at the general election. But the 'anti-UNP' SLFP, unheard and unsung, secured 9 seats. David appeared to had grown up out of proportions to the chagrin of Goliath.

Soon after the general election in 1952 SWRD became the leader of the opposition. N. M. Perera, former leader of the opposition, along with the old Marxists agreed with this development.

Though the conflicts and confrontations between Dudley and Kotelawala had submerged into oblivion, they festered on as the burning coal under the ashes. The Minister of Finance under Dudley was JR, the "Wily Old Fox". In contradicting the on stage, election-day boastings of UNP that one measure of rice will remain at Cts 0.25, as long as sun and moon exist.

Minister of Finance jacked up the price to Cts 0.70 even to the dismay of UNP itself. Further prices of some more essentials were increased subsequently. Even the poor bun provided to schoolchildren had no escape.

Political parties with Marxist orientations staged a Hartal against those oppressive measures. Government of the day responded with the brute force, deploying the armed forces to suppress the opposition. In the wake of the Haratal, nine people lost their lives at the hands of the oppressive UNP.

Dudley, meek and benevolent in attitudes was shaken by those developments and felt sad and helpless. Soon after, he relinquished his duties as the prime minister of the country.

Dudley's departure paved the way for Kotelawala to the PM's mantle. He was iron hearted. He feared neither men no demons. By 1955 the people were fed up with the UNP and were craving for a new administration to take over reigns of the country. People were hunting for options: they weighed the pros and cons between NM and SWRD, the most outstanding candidates.

It was during this period that ethnic and language related problem cropped up. The Government of the day followed a strange policy towards this issue. To the northerners they said one thing and to the southerners they said a totally different thing.

LSSP and the Communist Party held fast to the ideology that Tamil and Sinhala should be given equal importance and recognition. SLFP chartered along a different course, stating that Sinhala should be the official language. SWRD went to the extent of promising to make Sinhala the official language within 24 hours.

SWRD was sworn in as the Prime Minister and his cabinet was made up of 14 Ministers. Philip, William Silva and T. B. Illangaratne all from the Marxist camp were appointed as Ministers. RG was awarded with Ministry of Trade. A woman too obtained a ministerial post for the first time. It was Wimala Wijewardena.

The cold war, between the rightist and leftist camps in the cabinet - which remained unobserved, burst out into the open as an outright confrontation in 1959. RG, Stanley Soyza, Dahanayake, C. P. de Silva and Wimala represented the rightist camp.

The confrontation became so severe that it led to the exit of Philip along with William Silva from the government and they resigned from ministerial posts. Had the leftist parties came forward to support Philip during his struggle the developments would have been quite different. The revolution of '56 came to an end in 1959.

The rest is common knowledge.